At the end of October, the sweeping changes of persons in the government will be placed, respecting the geographical balances of Prime Minister Mitsotakis
As the deadlocks of Mitsotakis government intensify, so do the scenarios of a sweeping reshuffle, with early elections as soon as epidemiological conditions permit.
It is now clear that the ‘executive state’ has lost control of the pandemic, has entered a dialogue framework with Turkey which in the process involves ‘compromises’, as they elegantly baptate the concessions, while the worst is also coming to the economy, as the preliminary draft budget shows. At the same time, the management weaknesses of the “executive state” break down the convenient rhetoric of superiority when compared with the previous SYRIZA government are highlighted.
A combination of ideological obsession with neoliberal recipes and unfortunate manipulations, such as king-size masks for students, highlights administrative inadequacy and has the effect of reducing the government’s popularity and acceptance rates, as well as the superiority over SYRIZA, even though, as the people around Maximos Mansion say, it is maintained at high double-digit rates. However, it is also evident beyond the measurements that the government has entered the grey area.
The second wave of the pandemic has also discredited a number of ministers who now feel their days are counting down. Among the party’s MPs, the daily debate is when PM Kyriakos Mitsotakis will make the sweeping reshuffle, who will leave and especially who will enter the next government. The reshuffle is now set for the end of October and, according to reports from circles around Maximos Mansion, will be “parliamentary” in the sense that more members of the parliamentary group will enter the government. After all, there is a great deal of discontent among MPs and party officials because the first government in the New Democracy has many extra-parliamentary technocrats with a modernising political profile.
It’s a heavy climate.
It is certain that in the next reshuffle the Prime Minister will respect geographical balances. The present government is under-represented in northern Greece, western Macedonia and Thessaloniki, likewise western Greece, the prefectures of Achaia, Ilia and Messinia. Also electoral areas of Attica such as the 1st and 2nd Region of Piraeus, where the names of the Karamanlikos Kostas Katsafados (1st Piraeus) and the Samarian Dimitris Markopoulos (Second Piraeus) are circulated for positions of Deputy Ministers.
At the level of persons, heavy is the climate even inside the Maximos Mansion for a number of prominent ministers. The first is Adonis Georgiadis, whom the Prime Minister denounced in the most symbolic way. Last Monday, at the Microsoft event, Mitsotakis thanked the Deputy Development Minister Nikos Papathanasis and his partner – and communicatively rising – Alexis Patelis. Whether he’s going to keep Adonis Georgiadis in a not-so-important ministry is a question. Question mark accompanies the fate of Niki Kerameos. Circles around Maximos Mansion consider her responsible for several failures with the opening of schools, while against her it is also that she has bad relations with her deputy ministers and also with most ministers. Everyone is betting that outside the government bridegroom will stay the “burdened” ministers of culture Lina Mendonis, Tourism Charis Theoharis, Labour Giannis Vroutsis.
Will choose Roussopoulos or Stylianides
In addition to geographical balances, PM Mitsotakis will also keep the intra-party. In fact, since Samaras people are already represented and the “quota” will be maintained, it is considered that he will put in the government one of Theodoros Roussopoulos and Euripides Stylianides or both, who refer to the dissolved Karamanli wing. In any case, the reshuffle is the prime minister’s prerogative. As long as the information is confirmed, PM Mitsotakis will send the message that he is abandoning experimentation with the technocratic government – which, after all, has not been vindicated – and is returning to the classic logic of parliamentary governments. To this end, he argues that the election scenarios around the end of the spring have been restored if the pandemic is allowed to recede. The 2+4 scenario was never abandoned. Now it is reinforced by the rapid deterioration of the government. Given the negative development of Greek-Turkish, the course until the end of the four-year period is doubtful. Another reason, which never left the minds of those who work scripts, is “to end with SYRIZA and Alexis Tsipras”. If the elections are held soon, then SYRIZA will not have time to make its conference and regroup. They believe that if New Democracy wins another election, SYRIZA will fall into a spin and Alexis Tsipras will not be able to remain leader, especially if he gets below 32% in the elections.